From Censorship to Revival
The National Economics Editorial was founded in 2016 by Editor-in-Chief Spencer P. Morrison.
The Editorial had grown into one of America’s largest sources of news and commentary before being censored in 2019 due to publishing content critical of the Covid-19 response.
For context: the Editorial was evidently de-listed from Google; meanwhile, I was personally suspended on Twitter, my Facebook page—with over 84,000 followers—was purged, and my Youtube channel was deleted outright.
I have returned to writing after a multi-year hiatus—I spent the time productively, building my law firm and personal wealth, in the hopes that affluence will shield me from undue influence, and local notoriety from unnoticed censorship.
My political leanings can be summarized as vaguely classically conservative. I count myself among those who:
like Edmund Burke, see the nation not as an assorted collection of atomized individuals, seeking pleasure at the expense of their fellow man, but as a people inseparably bonded to one another through language and tradition, and to the past and future through art and blood… [most] important is the preservation of our nation, be it our wilderness or artifice, duty or liberty, the flesh of fathers and sons, and our shared faith in the Almighty God.
~Spencer P Morrison (from an article long-ago censored)
Briefly on Classical Conservatism
Contrary to what people are taught in school and university, conservatism has very little in common with the neo-liberal Republican party in the United States, nor the classically liberal “Conservative” parties in the UK or Canada.
This is because conservatism isn’t a universal ideology based on abstract notions, be they freedom, equality, or small government—conservatism looks different depending upon where you look, and when.
What unites classical conservatives is their respect for time, the arbiter of all things. Time sorts the good ideas from the bad, and therefore, what stands the test of time is likely beneficial (even if it looks redundant or inefficient). History is our guide.
Likewise, conservatism is grounded in Aristotelian particularism and inductive reasoning, as opposed to liberalism’s Platonic universalism and deductive reasoning.
All this means is that classical conservatives look at the empirical evidence, and formulate their theories accordingly, while liberals begin with an abstract value (eg. freedom) and conceive their theories around that—conservatism is bottom-up, liberalism is top-down.
For example, both Aristotle and Plato wrote about what the ideal government would look like. Plato began his inquiry, The Republic, with an assertion of values that the state must conform to. From these values he crafted his vision of a utopia—which, of course, was something that had never existed before, nor could likely exist. Many later political philosophers have fallen prey to Platonic idealism, from Rousseau to Marx.
Aristotle, on the other hand, began his Politics with a historical inquiry into what types of states exist, and have existed. He then looked at the characteristics of each type of government, and weighed the merits and drawbacks before arguing that the Polis (city-state) was the best form of government—since it provided men, on average, with the best chance for fulfillment.
In a way, Aristotle is the father of political conservatism, while Plato is the father of political radicalism (of which liberalism is a subset).
Briefly About Myself
Spencer P. Morrison is a lawyer, sessional instructor of law, and independent intellectual with a focus on applied philosophy, empirical history, and practical economics; he is the author of Reshore: How Tariffs Will Bring Our Jobs Home and Revive the American Dream—which was endorsed by the great Peter Navarro & Steven K. Bannon.
He currently write a column for Blaze Media. His work has been featured on major publications including the BBC, Real Clear Politics, American Greatness, the Daily Caller, the American Thinker, and the Foundation for Economic Education.
Spencer has fought in a number of high profile debates, including against Pascal Lamy (former head of the World Trade Organization), Peter Schiff, and Dr. Murray Sabrin at the Mises Institute.
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